Three of the participants in this research identified as Filipina American. Using their perspectives and experiences, I have gathered the central themes of their experiences with their identities and body image.

 

Commonalities with Childhood Experiences with Body Image

 

Colorism:

Two out of three participants describe the culture of colorism with the Filipina American women. Southeast Asians tend to have exhibit darker skin tones than East Asians. Describing themselves as brown Asian women, both participants wished they could have lighter skin and were taught, both consciously and subconsciously, to avoid the sun to prevent tanning. In a study of Asian American women’s favorite and least favorite body parts, Asian American women were the third most likely to appreciate their skin tone (Winter, et al, 2019, p. 75-77) out of all racial groups. Though the study failed to break down which ethnic identities were included in the Asian category, the experiences of both participants reflect a nuanced relationship with skin color. The internalization of colorism came from family members and white peers alike.

 

Weight:

All three participants expressed some concerns over their weight. Around half of all Asian American women have concerns with their weight as opposed to a quarter of white women (Koff, Benavage, and Wong, 2001, pp. 923-924). In the Philipines, bodyweight is seen as a reflection of an individual’s health, the logic indicating that a person who eats more is automatically healthy (Owen-Wilson, 2009, pp. 24-25). 

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Two participants describe themselves as skinny and expressed concerns over being on the smaller side. One participant wished that she could have gained weight to avoid commentary from other people while the other wished that she could be taller and have bigger breasts. Asian American women tend to be thinner and less bustier than white women (Frederick, Kelly, Latner, Sandhu, and Tsong, 2016, pp. 113-114). And, in Filipino culture, when an individual is thin, they are perceived as not eating enough (Owen-Wilson, 2009, pp. 24-25). Both participants expressed comparing themselves to the white women around them and being smaller than those women could have contributed to their body dissatisfaction as children.

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The other participant expressed that some people around her were concerned with her weight. She connected her experiences back to the Philipines where being fatter was associated with being wealthy, as being bigger was an implication that she was able to eat more. Within Filipino culture, fatness is valued because it means that an individual is taking care of their health (Owen-Wilson, 2009, pp. 24-25). Though this is the culture in the Philipines, forced assimilation in North American cultures creates a duality between which body type is more ideal. But, her mother, who is white, expressed the need for her to lose weight, which led her to restrict her eating. Asian American women point to family criticisms of weight as a cause of body dissatisfaction (Frederick, Kelly, Latner, Sandhu, and Tsong, 2016, pp. 113-114). More research indicates that comments on their daughter’s weight can influence eating disorder behaviors and that familial concern for weight and body share are predictors of disordered eating (Owen-Wilson, 2009, pp. 28-31). The participant’s recollection of her mother’s comments on weight, though well-intentioned, may have created tension between her Filipina American and white American identities.

 

Familial Impact:

All three participants expressed that they received comments about their bodies from family members, specifically from their mothers. There is a strong sense of collectivism, also called pakisama, in Filipino culture, one that stresses the importance of the group rather than the individual. Thus, Filipinos may prioritize their collective goals rather than their own (Owen-Wilson, 2009, pp. 10-12). Collectivism has shaped commentary from families for the three participants because the image of a family can be prioritized over the needs of a basic individual. In these Filipino families, mothers commented on either their skin tone or their weight which caused them to feel negative about that part of their body, evoking a sense of responsibility to the family’s image. This finding is consistent with research that cites that negative maternal comments are a predictor of body dissatisfaction and disordered eating for Asian American women (Chng and Fassnacht, 2015, pp. 97). Within other research, studies have found that mothers whose daughters exhibit symptoms of eating disorders were also exhibiting those same symptoms (Owen-Wilson, 2009, pp. 28-31). This statistic shows how a Filipina women’s complex relationship with her body continues generation after generation. 

 

Representation of Filipina Americans

 

Media:

All three participants recognized the lack of Filipina American representation in the media and magazines. They all reiterated that the media they consumed as children only had representation from skinny, white women whose features looked different than their own. This correlates to the statistic that only 2.4% of women represented in the media were Asian American, and most of whom had light or medium skin tones (Boepple and Thompson, 2018, pp. 270-272). Some of the participants found the lack of skin tone diversity to be upsetting, wishing there were more dark-skinned Filipina women to see in helping normalize their own bodies.

 

Social Media:

Regarding the representation of Filipina American women in the media, all three women stressed that women of color are left out of the mainstream body positivity movement. Though for them it is good to see people who are accepting of their bodies, it is difficult to resonate with those posts when those women do not look like them. There is some level of constant comparison with their white peers, but for the most part, social media only serves to connect the participants with their friends who affirm their bodies.